Today, December 26th, is Mao Tse-tung’s birthday. Those who have endured the tortuous U.S. public school system may not know much about Chairman Mao and his exploits. In fact, there is a profound blind spot towards Red China in our cultural psyche. This article is meant, then, as a crash course on Mao, how his communists came to power, what he stood for, and what he ought to be remembered for most.
Let’s start with the most significant aspect of this Chinaman’s legacy; namely, his unrivaled mass slaughter of people. Mao Tse-tung wears the crown of greatest mass murderer in human history. No other leader in world history has ever matched the amount of carnage unleashed by Mao and his followers in Twentieth-Century China. Though accurate numbers are murky because the conspirators are not in the habit of publishing the truth about their treachery, estimates of the death toll inflicted by Mao’s regime range from 30 million to 100 million dead.
My own best estimate falls somewhere between 80-100 million. Authors Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, in their superb book Mao: The Unknown Story, concluded that the Red Chairman’s reign of terror claimed at least 70 million lives. Whatever the precise number, Mao’s Red China ranks as the greatest scene of bloodshed the earth has ever witnessed. Thus, Mao’s greatest legacy is that of death and destruction – the unmatched slaughter of innocent human beings. Whenever we mention Mao, we must also recall the tens of millions of lives he snuffed out. Let us never forget these victims of communist aggression.
Next, we should keep in mind the reasons for the grisly slaughters and mass graves. Why did Mao Tse-tung murder 80-100 million of his countrymen? What was the justification? On whose altar were these people sacrificed?
First, we ought to acknowledge the all-important fact that Mao was a communist. He was not a starry-eyed, run-of-the-mill communist, but a radical Bolshevik revolutionary in the mode of Stalin and Lenin. His brutish character seems to have been set from a young age. By all accounts, Mao was a selfish, cold, and calculating child. He abandoned Buddhism in his teens, but even before that he hated his father, often expressing violent wishes against him later in life. Mao seemed to have been born with a superiority complex and loathed manual labor and chores he deemed beneath him. He was lazy and would not do anything unless it benefited him directly. He was an elitist born in lowly circumstances – and he reviled this fact.
His conceit was fueled by the fact that he was naturally gifted with an excellent memory and thus was allowed opportunities to study that many of his fellow peasants did not enjoy. Mao developed a voracious appetite for reading and writing, which gave him a competitive edge that he often exploited throughout his career as dictator. At age seventeen, Mao – armed with his ambitions and his arrogance – left the village for good to stake his claim to fame in the city.
It seems to have been Mao’s arrogant, lazy, and self-serving personality that led him to adopt the communist ideology. Communism is essentially organized gangsterism that allows parasites to glut themselves on the labors of the people – the very thing they accuse “capitalists” of doing. Communism was a perfect fit for a man of Mao’s high ambitions because it promised power. It held out the allure of power by hook or by crook – and at the barrel of a gun if necessary. To an atheistic elitist like Mao, communism was the perfect vehicle to achieve power and to reshape society in his own image.
Mao’s first real political involvement came during the anti-imperial Xinhai Revolution in 1911. Mao was eighteen at the time and became enamored by “Republican” propaganda leveled against the Manchu dynasty. In a show of solidarity with the revolutionaries, Mao snipped off his traditional ponytail and helped forcibly cut off the pigtails of others. He began immediately agitating, through writing and revolutionary acts, against the imperial government. The following year, the Manchu dynasty was finished and a republic was declared.
At first, Mao joined the military. However, he couldn’t follow orders and despised the mandatory chores, so he quit. He devoted himself full time to study and reading. In about 1913, while studying, Mao was introduced to the inflammatory writings of Karl Marx. Just as he had latched onto the ideas of anti-imperial revolution, he now embraced socialism and communism. His antipathy towards Chinese culture grew, as did his disregard for any form of restraint or rule that he himself had not concocted. Again, his selfishness pushed itself to the forefront.
On pages 13-14 of their excellent book Mao: The Untold Story, Chang and Halliday gave this succinct synopsis of Mao’s personality and innermost character:
“Mao’s attitude to morality consisted of one care, the self, “I,” above everything else: “I do not agree with the view that to be moral, the motive of one’s action has to be benefiting others. Morality does not have to be defined in relation to others . . . People like me want to . . . satisfy our hearts to the full, and in doing so we automatically have the most valuable moral codes. Of course there are people and objects in the world, but they are all there only for me.”
“Mao shunned all constraints of responsibility and duty: “People like me only have a duty to ourselves; we have no duty to other people.” “I am responsible only for the reality that I know,” he wrote, “and absolutely not responsible for anything else. I don’t know about the past, I don’t know about the future. They have nothing to do with the reality of my own self.” He explicitly rejected any responsibility towards future generations. “Some say one has a responsibility for history. I don’t believe it. I am only concerned about developing myself . . . I have my desire and act on it. I am responsible to no one.”
“Mao did not believe in anything unless he could benefit from it personally. A good name after death, he said, “cannot bring me any joy, because it belongs to the future and not to my own reality.” “People like me are not building achievements to leave for future generations.” Mao did not care what he left behind. . . .
“As conscience always implies some concern for other people, and is not a corollary of hedonism, Mao was rejecting the concept. His view was: “I do not think these [command like ‘do not kill,’ ‘do not steal’ and ‘do not slander’] have to do with conscience. I think they are only out of self-interest for self-preservation.” All considerations must “be purely calculation for oneself, and absolutely not for obeying eternal ethical codes, or for so-called feelings of responsibility. . .””
As we can plainly see from his own writings, Mao was impulsive, uncaring, conceited, elitist, and thoroughly self-serving. He didn’t care about China. He didn’t care about the Chinese people. He didn’t care about China’s long history and achievements. He couldn’t care less about helping anyone but himself, despite his pretenses to helping build a better China. In truth, Mao only sought to build China to increase his own personal power and to further the international aims of Bolshevism by making China a first-rate base of revolutionary operations.
It almost goes without saying that Mao was a devotee of Darwinism as much as communism. The two theories are inexorably linked and in reality cannot be separated. Communism’s Darwin-inspired “might-makes-right” ideology appealed to Mao’s prideful, me-centered nature. In the survival of the fittest, Mao saw himself as the fittest and thus the only one deserving of survival. I will not cover it here, but I recommend Harun Yahya’s outstanding book Communism in Ambush for a more detailed study of the intimate relationship between Darwinism and communism, and the numbing influence it had on Mao and China.
Suffice it to say that as he grew and gradually severed all ties of compassion, love, faith, reverence, and duty to others and to society in general, Mao became radicalized to an extraordinary degree. He became ripe for recruitment into the communist cause. From the beginning, he fancied himself a leader. Not a leader to serve and uplift others, but to exalt himself on the backs of others. Like Stalin before him, Mao turned to a life of self-serving intellectual activism and, later, a criminal career. But first he needed the right opportunity to demonstrate his cunning.
During the early part of the last century, China became embroiled in civil wars and infighting. Communists, nationalists, and other groups sought power. The nationalist faction was the most powerful, though the Communist Party began rising. It was not an organic rise, however. It was dominated and directed by Moscow. On page 19 of Mao, Chang and Halliday explained:
“The idea of forming a Communist Party did not stem from the professor, nor from any other Chinese. It originated in Moscow. In 1919, the new Soviet government had set up the Communist International, the Comintern, to foment revolution and influence policy in Moscow’s interest around the world. In August, Moscow launched a huge secret programme of action and subversion in China, starting a commitment of money, men and arms three decades long, which culminated in bringing the Communists under Mao to power in 1949 – Soviet Russia’s most lasting triumph in foreign policy.”
Since power was what Mao wanted, and the Moscow-led Bolsheviks offered power, he threw himself into the fray in favor of the communists. It was not a straight shot to the top, and at one point Mao found himself on the outs with the Moscow leaders because he would not follow their orders. However, he proved himself to be a shrewd man who would do what needed to be done. He was exactly the type of ruthless figure the Soviets courted and used to carry out their global revolution against human Freedom.
Soon, Mao began receiving monthly funds and orders from Moscow. With these funds, he organized pockets of communist resistance against the Chinese government. Before long, Mao became a formidable gangster warlord. He waged guerrilla warfare against the nationalist forces – driving a wedge between them and the formal Communist Party members – and against anyone who opposed his bid for power. Chang and Halliday wrote of Mao’s brutal tactics on pages 55-56 of their book:
“Mao and his troops lived by staging looting sorties to neighbouring counties, and sometimes further afield. These forays were grandly called da tuhao – literally, “smash landed tyrants.” In fact they were indiscriminate, classic bandit raids . . . [and] covered a range of activities from plain robbery and ransom to killing.
“These raids made frequent headlines in the press, and greatly raised Mao’s profile. It was now that he gained notoriety as a major bandit chief.”
Over the course of the next two decades, Mao waged war against the Chinese nationalist forces under Chiang Kai-shek and, at times, with Chiang against the anti-communist Japanese who, out of fear of a communist takeover of China, retaliated against Chinese aggression in Manchuria with an invasion. During all of this, Mao was supported by the Soviet Union with the goal that eventually he would supplant Chiang and subdue China. Tragically, during World War II and immediately after when Mao and Chiang again went to war to decide the fate of the Celestial Empire, the United States also sided with Mao against the pro-China nationalist Chiang Kai-shek. The combined duplicity and aid from these two superpowers propelled Mao’s communists to power in China.
What followed Mao’s conquest of China was a human tragedy without equal in the sordid annals of world history. What followed were the slaughter of some 100 million Chinese and the imprisonment of millions more in labor camps and reeducation camps – reeducation and labor camps that are still in full operation today. Though the controlled Western press is largely silent about it, millions of Muslim minorities, oppressed Christians, political dissidents, and average Chinese subjects sit imprisoned in cruel camps in modern China. Yes, you read that correctly – millions. This continuing savagery was foreshadowed during Mao’s violent reign.
Mao’s reign is best known for two events: The so-called Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. The Great Leap Forward began in the late 1950s and was ostensibly intended as a national leap into prosperity and modernity. However, nothing of the sort happened. Instead, tens of millions of Chinese lost their lives during forced labor and severe famine that occurred as a result of asinine government policies. No one knows the exact number who perished in the famine – the worst ever recorded – but, according to author Frank Dikotter in his book Mao’s Great Famine, “at least 45 million people died.” Other researchers, including recent Chinese researchers, have placed the number significantly higher. The Chinese Cultural Revolution of the 1960s was similarly destructive, though more in terms of social upheaval than outright slaughter – though plenty of intellectuals and dissidents were murdered then as well.
Mao’s obsession with personal power, his adherence to Soviet-imposed communism, and his ruthless tactics constitute the foundation upon which modern China is build. Today’s Chinese stand on Mao’s shoulders. They pursue his same goal – power. Per the Soviet plan, China’s growing power is being used against the West. Chinese capital is subverting Western media, entertainment, and business. China is pushing heavily into Africa, Latin America, and the south Pacific. They even have a growing presence in the Middle East. And as Red China’s military capabilities begin to rival our own, as our top general have been frantically warning for the past few years, we must consider this communist state a very serious threat.
China’s official state constitution makes it abundantly clear that the philosophies of Maoism, Marxism-Leninism, and socialism – under the direction of the Communist Party of China – are its guiding lights. The Preamble states:
“The victory in China’s New-Democratic Revolution and the successes in its socialist cause have been achieved by the Chinese people of all nationalities, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, by upholding truth, correcting errors and surmounting numerous difficulties and hardships. China will be in the primary stage of socialism for a long time to come. The basic task of the nation is to concentrate its effort on socialist modernization along the road of Chinese-style socialism. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents, the Chinese people of all nationalities will continue to adhere to the people’s democratic dictatorship and the socialist road, persevere in reform and opening to the outside world, steadily improve socialist institutions, develop the socialist market economy, develop socialist democracy, improve the socialist legal system and work hard and self-reliantly to modernize the country’s industry, agriculture, national defence and science and technology step by step and promote the coordinated development of the material, political and spiritual civilizations, to turn China into a socialist country that is prosperous, powerful, democratic and culturally advanced.”
So firmly entrenched has communism become in China that the Chinese openly declare in their constitution that the “basic task of the nation” is to protect, promote, and expand socialism, while being guided by the Communist Party and the philosophy set forth by the murderous rebels Mao, Lenin, and Marx. Yet, in the West, China is often seen as an advanced nation that is democratizing or Westernizing. They are seen as a potential ally and a nation to be courted and encouraged. Nothing could be further from the truth. And nothing could be more destructive than to coddle China.
China is not infusing capitalism into its system – they are promoting socialism and only socialism. China is not becoming civilized and shedding its Soviet skins – it is merely metamorphosing into a modernized Red Dragon of terrifying power, global influence, and characteristic vengefulness. China has not marched out of the communist shadow, but basks in it. And it all comes back to Chairman Mao’s personal struggle for power.
No, Mao Tse-tung did not care what legacy he left behind, yet you and I should care because his legacy directly impacts us. You and I are faced by the Chinese threat that Mao helped establish. China subsists on Maoist dogma to this day and will, given the opportunity, lash out against the West in an attempt to gain even greater power. We will be caught in that Maoist maelstrom whether we like it or not. It behooves us, then, to learn about Mao, his motivations, his legacy, and his aims.
Like all genuine communists, Mao promoted violent world revolution. To the communist, the world is at war. Every act, no matter how mundane, is an act of strategic warfare. In Red China we have a hostile power that is actively waging war – mostly of the subversive, secretive kind – against our nation. Yet, notwithstanding this war we are engaged in, we still ignore Mao, his legacy of cultural upheaval and aggression, and the ideology he helped establish. How can we defeat the enemy unless we understand him? And how can we understand China without comprehending Mao Tse-tung?
It is my wish that this article has prompted you to do further research into the Bolshevik demagogue Mao Tse-tung and the regime he instituted in China. It is also my hope that you learned something about Mao’s origins, and, thus, about the origins of the modern Chinese state. I sincerely desire that you’re impressed with the fact that Red China is a thoroughly communist state that bears Mao’s personality traits, ambitions, and dark heart. Stand firm against the growing tide of communist aggression.
December 26, 2018.